Over two decades ago, Babra Ontible Bhebe was working in Binga, a remote area in the northeastern region of Zimbabwe. As a temporary teacher, she taught many students from the most impoverished villages in her country. Often, students made the miles-long trek to school with just a satchel on their backs and the bare soles of their feet.
Babra began to purchase shoes for her students. She bought them uniforms. She began to ask, “Why?” Why were students walking barefoot to school in Binga? Why couldn’t they afford basic necessities to receive their education?
Part of the reason was economic status, but much of its cause remains rooted in a government that lacked the welfare infrastructure to support its youth and education.
Since then, Babra has led a grassroots movement fighting for a democracy that creates changes for underprivileged individuals like her students in Binga. She currently serves as the executive director of the Election Resource Center (ERC), a civil society organization and think tank promoting electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and across the African continent. This year, Babra was named a Maurice R. Greenberg World Fellow for her work as an election expert and for her dedication to ensuring the integrity of the electoral process in countries prone to governmental corruption. She has been at the ERC since 2021 and is involved with other anti-corruption advocacy movements, such as PactWorld and Transparency International.
***
How do you manage the practicalities of leading the ERC, especially when dealing with threats of political corruption and violence in your country?
The work that I do at the Election Resource Center is not something that I do as an individual. We have a movement of citizens and organizations behind us, and that actually determines our success and makes our voices bigger.
We equip them with knowledge of their constitutional rights, that they’re able to demand accountable governance, that they’re able to make informed decisions when they go out to vote. They monitor the electoral environment and report to us. We have a call center where if citizens observe electoral malpractices, they easily just call us and we escalate those issues.
It’s about getting citizens to be more active, but also building the capacity of civil society, [and] of our civil society partners, in order to have a bigger movement of institutions that actually monitor electoral processes. We also build the capacity of the media to report accurately on electoral issues from an informed perspective.
***
What are the key strategies you use to engage volunteers and communities in civic advocacy?
In terms of engaging the community, we use different strategies depending on the specific communities. For example, we have initiatives aimed at young people and work with a group of volunteers. One such initiative is what we call “pit stops.” At these pit stops, volunteers hold placards with messages about elections, like “register to vote,” and stand at strategic points in cities such as Harare or Bulawayo during peak hours—mornings, evenings, or lunch breaks. This allows us to spread election information while getting volunteers involved. Many young people sign up as volunteers for these pit stops.
We also recruit and engage social media champions, particularly young people, to drive election discourse online. Platforms like X, formerly Twitter, are key to this. We encourage discussions on topics such as strategic litigation or election-related issues, and young people participate by writing posts and driving conversations. We sometimes refer to these efforts as “tweet parties,” and they have proven effective in engaging citizens.
Additionally, we organize events like music shows, where attendees must bring proof of voter registration to participate. This helps celebrate new voters and encourages more people to register. We also use a “sanctuary model” to engage citizens in safer spaces, such as churches, especially during election periods when it’s difficult to gather people in public places.
We also use research and disseminate that information, either through infographics or short videos, and we send those to people to get them involved and understand the different issues that we are advocating for.
***
How do you see the parallels between the state of democracy in Africa and recent events in the US, such as the January 6th attack on the Capitol and the upcoming presidential election?
There are many ways to analyze the state of democracy in the US and Africa, particularly after what happened on January 6th.
First, we need to understand what happened on January 6th from the perspective of the fragility of democratic institutions and their resilience. On January 6th, we saw a candidate inciting citizens to reject an electoral outcome that was considered credible. This has also happened in other contexts in Africa. We saw similar events recently in the South Africa elections, where Jacob Zuma, a leader of the opposition political party, incited his supporters to claim the election had been rigged. These are similarities in how we should compare American democracy to African democracy. This shows the fragility of institutions as they become victims of manipulation by political players.
However, we see resilience in institutions where they are able to stand firm. For instance, despite the January 6th attack on the Capitol, by 2022, about 725 individuals had been arrested for that crime.
I consider [South Africa] a mature democracy. The institutions resisted attempts by individuals to manipulate them. We should also consider differences in African states– an example of fragility and resilience comes from Senegal. In the March elections, the sitting president attempted to indefinitely postpone the election through a decree, but the constitutional court overruled that decree, forcing Senegal to hold elections in March. After the elections, I observed a peaceful transfer of power.
Yes, institutions will be under attack because of [the] political players involved. But in countries where democratic institutions are stronger, subversion of the Constitution is limited, and fundamental freedoms can be protected.
The second point is on misinformation and propaganda– what led to the attack on the Capitol was misinformation that the election had been stolen. This misinformation led people to storm the Capitol. Similar situations exist in Africa, where propaganda leads to violence.
Thirdly, we have seen civil society organizations at the center of democratic processes, pushing for democracy. In most instances, these organizations are under attack by state authorities. In the US, we saw the corruption of extremist groups by politicians to further undemocratic motives, resulting in the Capitol incident.
Lastly, we have seen democratic backsliding in both the US and Africa. When democratic backsliding occurs in Africa, we usually see diplomatic pressure on those countries. In the US, the recent attempts on Donald Trump’s life shocked the world. What happened years ago with the January 6th events also shocked the world, which is concerning. The US was considered a leader in democracy. When such things happen in the US, it diminishes its ability to hold other nations accountable for violating democratic principles, which is quite worrying.
***
What dangers, pushbacks, or threats have you received in your line of work?
Let me tell you what happened in Zimbabwe in 2023. During the August elections, we had set up a data center for parallel voter tabulation. On the night of August 23rd, police raided our center, arresting 42 people, including data clerks and staff. They were charged with attempting to announce election results, though the Constitution does not bar citizen observer groups from conducting parallel vote tabulation.
The police who raided the center were armed, and it was done in the middle of the night. This terrified the young people arrested. These are the challenges faced in election work. We always assess the risks when designing programs and plan ways to lessen the damage.
This kind of work requires courage, but it’s rewarding when you see people standing up to make their voices heard, especially on election day when they cast their ballots. It gives a sense of joy.
***
What do you do when advocating for democracy, but both parties on the ballot are corrupt?
To encourage people to vote when they feel candidates aren’t good enough, remind them that no election will have a perfect candidate. I’ve never voted for a perfect candidate, but it’s important for citizens to assess the options and decide which one better represents their interests and their community’s interests. The idea isn’t to find a flawless choice but to choose the one that aligns most closely with your values.
Citizens should participate even when they feel the candidates fall short. Elections are about making a decision between the available choices, and abstaining only leaves those choices to others.
In terms of getting people more engaged, we focus on civic education, equipping citizens with knowledge about their rights, and helping them make informed decisions. Civil society can also play a key role by monitoring electoral processes and advocating for transparency.
Supporting independent media is crucial, as they help inform the public and report on important electoral processes, like delimitation exercises or reforms.
Advocating for electoral reforms is essential. Changes in policies and laws that undermine free and fair elections need to be challenged. Lastly, building community engagement helps create a movement of informed citizens. When empowered, citizens can hold their government accountable, as we’ve seen in Nigeria, where people stood up to demand accountability from the Electoral Commission.
This collective effort strengthens the political system from the ground up.
***For more information about getting involved with the ERC, visit www.ercafrica.org or visit their X page here.