Paata Shamugia is one of Georgia’s most acclaimed contemporary poets and literary voices. Born in Abkhazia in 1983, he has received the SABA Georgian National Literature Prize twice and served as president of PEN International Georgia from 2018 to 2022.
He first gained national attention with his debut poem Panther’s Skin, a provocative reimagining of Georgia’s medieval epic The Knight in the Panther’s Skin, which sparked controversy when several members of parliament called for it to be banned, arguing it showed disrespect for national tradition. His subsequent works have been widely acclaimed, and today Shamugia, who lives in Tbilisi, is regarded as a distinguished personality in Georgian poetry.
His career places him in a long and painful lineage of Georgian poets who have not only shaped national identity but also borne the weight of political repression–from those persecuted under Stalin to contemporary writers resisting authoritarianism today.
This conversation took place in January 2025 and has been lightly edited for clarity.
Can you describe your personal experience of what is happening in Georgia?
The situation is the same, quite chaotic, I would say. There have been just a few changes in recent days. The regime has fired employees who work in state institutions, ministries, museums, etc. The only reason they got fired was for expressing their own views, mostly on social media, and sharing protest materials. That is the additional thing that the Georgian dictatorship is doing right now, among other violent things, against the Georgian population.
Many people, about 500, have already been arrested, some of them remain in prison. 52 people are still in prison right now. They did not commit anything, except exercising their right to express their own world view. Most importantly, there is no evidence in any of the cases. The only “evidence” consists of false witnesses who, in 100% of cases, are police officers. Additionally, there are no recordings. The false witness police officers traditionally claim in court that, for some reason, their body cameras were malfunctioning when they arrested the “criminals.” As a result, the court has relied solely on their word in every case.
Additionally, there is the separate issue of pressure on the media. According to a Transparency International study, 200 acts of media pressure have been recorded, including incidents of physical violence and intimidation.
What do you think the new Georgian Dream presidency would mean for Georgia? In your eyes, who would be the most impacted by it?
I think that the new Georgian so-called president is just the Georgian Dream’s president. Now, the only legitimate leader is Salome Zourbichvili. She has legitimacy and trust, both among Georgian citizens and in the international community. She can relay our messages to the international community, which is very important. The modern world is globalized, and politics driven solely by internal forces exists only in isolated countries. In the democratic world, countries influence each other’s policies, relationships, economies, and trends. In a crisis as severe as Georgia’s, both internal and external informational warfare are crucial.
In contrast, Bidzina Ivanishvili’s propaganda frequently emphasizes “sovereignty” or “neutrality,” which, in his case, implies isolationism—or more accurately, alignment with Russia’s orbit (which inevitably leads to further isolation from democratic countries). We are already witnessing this: Georgia is politically ostracized by the world’s democracies.
This propaganda manipulates the idea of neutrality by linking it directly to the issue of war—a sensitive topic in our country. What does Georgian Dream’s propaganda tell us? That with neutrality, Russia would stop even considering the occupation of Georgia.
But what does history tell us? On May 26, 1918, the Democratic Republic of Georgia adopted the Act of Independence, declaring Georgia a sovereign state and proclaiming neutrality. Let’s underline this: neutrality was declared. And what happened just three years later? Russia invaded and occupied us. That is the true cost of Russian imperial promises.
As for the so-called president, this is a one-man show in our country, everything is controlled by Ivanishvili. It does not matter who formally represents the Georgian Dream or some state institutions right now, no one cares, and Ivanishvili also doesn’t care. He can replace these people with somebody else immediately.
As for the specific question about impact: if the oligarchic system withstands the pressure, Georgia will become directly politically dependent on Russia and economically dependent on China, which will ultimately distance us from the West.
What does your specific contribution look like? Do you have any anecdotes of what you are most proud of doing?
I’m proud just to be part of this historical event for Georgia. I’ve never seen such unity before.
Ivanishvili sought to punish and intimidate the Georgian people. Detainees were placed in special vehicles stripped of seats, crammed inside as a form of humiliation. These vehicles became sites of torture: 90% of detainees have their faces smashed, some had their arms broken, others their skulls fractured, and many have completely shattered noses. One protester was in a coma for a week. There are countless stories like this.
The regime aimed to sow fear, but after this public punishment, even more people took to the streets to protest. It has now been over 40 days, and demonstrators continue to block the country’s main avenue daily. People of all ideologies and beliefs stand together in these protests. The only reason the regime has stopped torturing people is precisely because such cases result in even more people taking to the streets. Consequently, the regime now has to endure thousands of people protesting in the streets.
What does the illegitimate government offer in response to this protest? Lies.
Georgia’s so-called government is just a professional liar. Their slogan by the way was “peacefully to Europe”. Immediately after the elections, they betrayed their own voters. They started war against their own people, and officially suspended our path towards EU membership. 85% of the Georgian population voted for democracy and for EU integration in recent referendums, and this will of the people is reflected in our constitution. So that’s why we call it the “constitutional coup” made by Georgia’s so-called government. We feel like someone is trying to betray our biggest dreams, someone is trying to take some important part from our life.
Since the independence of Georgia, all the referendums show that the majority of Georgians just want a normal life–human rights, a good healthcare system, a good education system–just a normal life. So, in this case, when we are dangerously close to Russia, we lose our chances. We lose our chances to develop our country, to make it better, to make it more democratic. So, we are just a little bit desperate, but we still fight because to be honest, there is no other option.
Who isn’t supporting the protests?
Perhaps the people who directly benefit from the government—businessmen involved in deep corruption (as revealed by numerous journalistic investigations)—as well as those working in state structures, often cannot express their support because they are afraid. However, this fear has slightly diminished, and some of them have shown their support. But, as I mentioned, they were dismissed from their jobs because of it.
Some of them are honest supporters who believe in something the Georgian Dream has said, which is weird, because the Georgian Dream’s motto was “peacefully to Europe”, and recently we don’t have neither peace nor Europe in our country. So, I don’t know what they are trying to catch in Georgian Dream’s promises. Still, I believe that there are people who honestly believe in them.
Also, the brainwashing technique works super, super well. They are very good at it because they have Russian support and experience. Even Russian officials have publicly said that they have everyday contact. Sergey Lavrov said today, several hours ago, that they have everyday conversations with the Georgian Government and are well informed about all the details regarding the process.
Also, there are some people who have certain traumas or fears and the government manipulates them by playing on these fears and traumas– when it emphasizes family values, LGBTQ+ conspiracies, and war. [One narrative] claims that with the West’s influence, we will all suddenly become gay, or the West will force us to start a war with Russia if we do not keep the Georgian Dream party eternally in government. Some groups of people have irrational fears. These are actually the most economically vulnerable people and we all should fight for them, to make their condition better, to give them the ability to get better information and to filter the information–distinguishing between truth and disinformation.
This propaganda also works because no Georgian governments have never ever tried to improve the educational system and it has completely collapsed now. It’s easier to govern this way.
If we were speaking in three months or six months, what would be a good outcome and what would be a bad outcome?
I personally don’t know what consequences we’re going to face in the near future, but I can make a reasonable guess.
I think that we have just two options. Either this country becomes like Chechnya or Ivanishvili’s oligarchic system will ultimately go down.
I love Chechen people; I’m just talking about their political system. Like Chechnya, in Georgia people are also beaten and tortured by masked people for no reason.
For example, yesterday, a female musician Gvantsa Chkheidze was severely beaten by the government-hired masked people. The policemen usually don’t react. This how Chechnyan Leader Ramzan Kadyrov behaves.
This is a Russian and Chechen style dictatorship right now in Georgia. It’s a matter of time before, for example, me or some other people, are beaten. We all have this expectation that when we leave the house someone can beat us. That’s how we live right now. No one wants such a life. That’s why we fight. We cannot step back because we cannot.
How do you characterize the personal risks involved?
I think that if this country becomes a total dictatorship, or, I don’t know, something that is unbearable, many people will leave this country. No one actually wants to. People come here. Migrants who live, for example, in the US or in European countries are coming back to fight. We all feel like this is such a crucial moment for Georgia right now that we can’t leave this country and people alone.
As for personal risks, I talk to countless people every day, and no one even thinks about it. Not because these risks don’t exist, and not because we are fearless. It’s simply that there comes a moment when you have to fight for something greater than personal survival. Georgian people keep fighting in a peaceful way. If I was not Georgian, I would regret it at the moment, because this is such a pivotal moment for our country.
Have you experienced any aggression or felt threatened by the government?
Not me personally but many people in Georgia have. I am not talking about the threatening messages that I, along with any critically minded person, receive almost daily. These are intimidating messages, but it feels shameful to discuss them when there are tortured, broken-boned individuals in the country, and many young people face years of incarceration because the Georgian judiciary is essentially an extension of the regime.
The biggest challenge for Georgia’s illegitimate government is their desperate search for leaders among the protestors. Every detainee has reported that during their torture—when they were beaten, had their hands and legs broken—their captors kept asking one question: “Who is leading these demonstrations?”
But they can’t find any leaders because there are none. Everyone is a leader, which has its pros and cons. On the positive side, imprisoning or compromising a single leader won’t kill the movement. Everyone takes responsibility for themselves. On the downside, political capital is harder to build without clear leaders.
Right now, we have three key forces: the angry public, local politicians (who are part of the protests but not leading them), and democratic countries. Success depends on these three working in sync. If one fails, we risk losing this fight against dictatorship and facing authoritarian rule for years to come. That’s why we need to be cautious—and we are, all of us.
How has your experience growing up in Abkhazia shaped both your poetry, and perspective on what is happening today?
I was nine during the war. We saw bombs, we saw death, half of my relatives died there. That’s the short version. Perhaps that’s why I always avoid the topic. Maybe it’s a way to avoid re-traumatization. And to be honest, I try to avoid it even in my texts. I think I need an even bigger chronological distance to be able to write about this topic.
I am interested in the role of intellectuals in resistance. How do you see poets, artists, and writers contributing to the fight against authoritarianism and amplifying marginalized voices? Are there moments in your own work, or the works of others, that you feel have had a tangible impact?
We have quite a big tradition of resisting dictatorship and authoritarian regimes. Even during the Soviet Union, there were lots of Georgian writers, for example, poets and writers who resisted the government, and they got killed, most of them. The guys who we love, whose poetry or prose we read, most of these guys were either exiled to Siberia or some other part of the world or just shot in the head. That’s why for writers it’s even more sensitive because it’s a historical memory that works and reminds us of such kinds of things.
And what’s more, dictatorships are shaped and formed by words. I think that people who are writers, journalists and even teachers, are the first targets. We have writers who were beaten during this period and tortured. But I don’t want to concentrate on writers specifically, because, you know, there are other people who are tortured even more severely in Georgia. But writers are always part of the demonstration and resistance, I would say, always, without any exception.
All authoritarian regimes attempt to co-opt intellectuals—it’s a tried-and-true strategy that often succeeds, especially in the post-Soviet space. Stalin’s image, for instance, relied heavily on a frightened or bought-out elite. These elites presented a glorified version of the Soviet Union to the West. Otherwise, how could anyone admire a country that executed countless people and filled its lands with gulags?
Ivanishvili purchased much of Georgia’s intellectual elite even before entering politics. This was part of a larger plan. Years before taking power, he began funding the intellectual and cultural elite, likely aiming to convert this support into political capital. And it worked. A significant portion of the elite accepted the financial incentives and, for years, the regime used them to legitimize its every move.
However, many eventually found the strength to resist, leaving Ivanishvili’s regime today without intellectual or cultural support. Relying solely on police and masked thugs makes it hard to gain legitimacy, domestically or internationally.
As wise people say, history is first written, then it happens. Georgian culture now bears the responsibility of chronicling this regime and exposing its true face. And it’s doing so effectively. Today, every cultural sector is an integral part of the protests. Performances are staged, texts are written, actors display protest banners from the stage, and the “New Theatre” has canceled its shows in protest, as one of its actors, Andro Chichinadze, is a political prisoner. Writers have long boycotted the Ministry of Culture, starting with the censorship of the “Literary Prize” when the government planted an insider in the jury to veto any decision. This censorship began years ago and continues to this day.
Censorship is a hallmark of this regime. A year ago, artist Sandro Sulaberidze protested censorship by removing his own painting from the National Gallery and replacing it with a protest message on the wall. The Ministry of Internal Affairs opened a criminal case against him, threatening him with years in prison, which was only avoided due to massive public outcry. Similarly, Salome Jashi’s film Taming the Garden, about Ivanishvili’s obsession with uprooting giant trees, was censored when its screening was canceled by the National Film Center.
This highlights the role of Georgian intellectuals in the current process. They are actively exposing the regime’s crimes. The regime, aware of their power, resorts to censorship, smear campaigns through government-controlled media, and, in extreme cases, physical attacks.
Georgia stands at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, always drawing from both cultures. This creates a unique East-West blend in Georgian culture, where mainstream trends coexist with marginal voices, where protest resonates alongside romantic metaphors. Some say, “Now is not the time for romance,” but what could be more romantic than protest?
Who were the groups that were being targeted more than the writers?
I think everybody is targeted right now. Sometimes we lose the logic. Sometimes they beat and torture people who are just pedestrians. One person was 70-years-old, just walking down the street and police detained him and beat him for no reason. I was in the court when this person was judged and this person was just shocked, you know, “I was just walking down the street. I did not care.”
We think that the government is just so confused because they did not expect such big outrage. I think that they are also very conscious, and they don’t know what to do. They are just beating random people, but sometimes, of course, they target some of the active people.
To create a climate of terror?
Yes, probably that’s the reason. That’s why people who were beaten, all of them are beaten in the face, as it is the most visible part of our body. Their noses are deformed, some people lost their eyesight and so on. They want to demonstrate that they can do anything, absolutely anything. And they want to spread fear among the Georgian citizens. But they could not do it. Some of the people who were beaten came back to the demonstrations with some severe injuries and crutches.
You mentioned the torture of Zviad Ratiani in your PEN piece…
Yes, Zviad Ratiani and also, Tornike Chelidze, but Zviad was beaten in a very brutal way. His diagnosis was very huge. This poet was targeted maybe because he was part of other protests in previous years also. Zviad was not a random guy. They probably knew of him. Poets are popular in Georgia, many recognize them in person, from books or from the news.
In what ways has Georgia’s history paved the way for what is going on today?
In reality, what is happening now does not reflect the trajectory of our historical development. There is a rupture in the matrix. We have had many bad governments, but for the first time since independence, we have a government that openly states it does not care what 85% of the population thinks (the percentage that supported the European perspective in the referendum). It does not care what is written in the constitution (which explicitly states that every government is obligated to uphold the will of the Georgian people regarding the European perspective) and is orchestrating a constitutional coup. We don’t even talk about the rigged and manipulated elections anymore. What happened after November 28 is much more significant—now we face a new reality. The government has officially removed EU negotiations from the agenda and has carried out a constitutional coup.
We do not see the European Union as a divine entity that will solve all our problems. We simply know that we want a normal life. And when faced with the choice between a Russian anti-democratic system or the European Union, there is little to debate.
What’s most important with these demonstrations is they are so diverse. There are people who are leftists, libertarians, conservatives, believers, atheists, everybody–people who have never had any connection with each other, now they are united because they see the general threat from the government. That’s why it’s so difficult for the Georgian oligarch to fight these people.
Georgia isn’t only important for Georgia but for the rest of the world. What, in your eyes, should the EU, and America be doing to support the Georgians?
I don’t really know the political gameplays, so sometimes I think that maybe they know better. But the results are not so satisfying for Georgia and for me, as a Georgian citizen.
We’ve seen so much Western support, and maybe it’s not enough.
Of course, no one can or should fight this battle for us. But we need more effective support. The Georgian people are not only fighting against the Georgian oligarchy; these events are part of Russia’s hybrid war and Putin’s geopolitical agenda. Years ago, Putin declared that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a genuine tragedy. That is why he strives to maintain imperial dominance over former Soviet countries.
Georgian Dream’s propaganda mirrors Russia’s almost word for word. Sometimes, they don’t even bother to change the phrasing.
In such a significant war, the help of partners is essential—more decisive and effective assistance. We urge our partner countries: do not grant legitimacy to a mafia that oppresses its own people, to a pseudo-government that rigs elections. They lack legitimacy from the Georgian people, and if you truly uphold democratic ideals, these illegitimate individuals should not be allowed at any official meetings.
Otherwise, dictatorship will remain in the country for a long time.