On July 22, 1937, at the height of Stalin’s Great Purge, the poet Paolo Iashvili walked into the Writer’s House in Tbilisi, now a sanctuary for Georgia’s literary elite, then a courtroom of fear. The authorities had declared writers must either subordinate their art to the revolutionary mission or face “the language of the bullet”.
Desperate to prove his loyalty, Iashvili renounced his works and reiterated his devotion to Stalin. It was not enough. When given an ultimatum to betray his lifelong friend and poet, Titsian Tabidze, or endure NKVD torture, he walked into the adjacent room and shot himself dead with a hunting rifle.
Hans Gutbrod, Associate Professor at Ilia University in Tbilisi, told The Politic, “Before he committed suicide, Iashvili wrote a letter to his daughter, ‘Always tell the truth,’ he advised.” Nearly a century later, Georgia’s writers are once again under attack. This advice feels more relevant than ever and just as dangerous.
“Dictatorships are shaped and formed by words, making writers the first targets. We have a big tradition of resisting dictatorship. We are always part of the resistance, without any exception,” Paata Shamugia, a two-time Georgian National Literature Prize winner, tells The Politic. “Under the Soviet Union, poets and writers who resisted were exiled to Siberia or just shot in the head. For writers, it’s even more sensitive because of that historical memory.”
That memory is no longer just history. Political fracture divides the country between competing destinies that place the country under Russia’s effective tutelage, or a future of independence within the European Union (EU).
Protests
For months now, Georgia has been gripped by political upheaval. The streets of the capital, Tbilisi, have remained dense with protestors. Huddled together and enduring freezing temperatures they chant, “Freedom to all the prisoners of the regime.” Activist and artist, Anamaria Burduli told The Politic, “These protests have seen the largest amount and variety of people ever to have gathered in Georgian streets. After the first wave of youth protests were severely dispersed, people of all ages turned up to fight.”
They demand a rerun of the controversial parliamentary election and voice their support for EU accession. Burduli summarizes the good and bad outcomes, “We have a long way to go and the Oligarchy won’t dissolve overnight. Getting rid of this dictatorship to hold elections that could be considered somewhat democratic would be the bare minimum. If we can’t at least get a change of government after 12+ years that would definitely be a bad outcome.”
In December, the protests were characterized by violent clashes. Human Rights Watch condemned the brutal police violence against largely peaceful demonstrators. UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy declared that “the shocking violence inflicted upon protestors, opposition leaders, and journalists was an egregious attack on democracy.”
Shamugia summarizes that “Many people, about 500, have already been arrested. 52 people are still in prison right now. They did not commit anything, except exercising their right to express their world view. The only “evidence” consists of false witnesses who, in 100% of cases, are police officers. There are no recordings. Police officers claim in court that, for some reason, their body cameras were malfunctioning when they arrested the ‘criminals.’”
Burduli adds “I’ve seen and heard about harrowing acts of torture and violence towards my friends and fellow protestors including girls and children who were arrested or beaten by gangs of armed police. The government channels are faking data, hiding footage of police brutality, and claiming only radicals are opposing them.”
How did Georgia end up here? In one word: Ivanishvili
Bidzina Ivanishvili, born in an impoverished Georgian village then on the fringes of the Soviet Union, is now by far the country’s richest man. His fortune is estimated to be $7.5 billion, a quarter of Georgia’s GDP. (An equivalent dominance in the US would require a fortune of $7.5 trillion.)
After finding success in Moscow selling computers in the 1980s, he moved into banking and metals, acquiring Soviet-era state assets. In short, he is the quintessential post-Soviet oligarch.
He returned to Georgia in 2003, buying a $50 million compound on a hill that towers above Tbilisi, complete with a private zoo, collection of Picassos, and pet sharks. Gripped by paranoia after his brother’s 1990s kidnapping, he lived in secrecy, on his rare movements around the country doing so in disguise and earning himself the title, “the loneliest man in Georgia.”
In 2012, he unexpectedly burst from the shadows to launch the Georgian Dream Party, served as Prime Minister for a year, and now holds the title of honorary chairman. He remains the party’s de-facto leader, often regarded as the country’s “puppet master.” Shamugia concludes, “This is a one-man show. Ivanishvili controls everything, and we don’t trust anyone he appoints.”
Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Georgian Dream Party adopted a sharply anti-Western stance.
The Escalation of Conflict
2024 marked a turning point for the Georgian Dream party. In April, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze––firmly under Ivanishvili’s control––pushed through the controversial Transparency of Foreign Influence Law, triggering mass protests.
Dubbed the “Russian law,” the legislation mirrors Moscow’s 2012 crackdown on civil society, requiring NGOs with over 20% foreign funding to register as foreign agents. With nebulous language and draconian penalties, critics view it as a tool to suppress dissent ahead of Georgia’s elections and hinder negotiations to join the EU.
The international backlash was swift, with the U.S. reviewing ties, citing “democratic backsliding,” and imposing sanctions. The UK, EU, UN, and NATO followed suit, further isolating Georgia.
“This isn’t the way society should function,” said Gutbrod, warning the law is stifling media, especially opposition outlets, and straining non-profits.
The playbook
As Georgia’s 2024 parliamentary elections approached, Ivanishvili escalated his anti-LGBTQ+ rhetoric. “LGBT propaganda is a super-modern weapon of conquest,” he declared, rallying against the “horrors of gay parades” in the West.
On October 3, words became law––the Georgian Dream-dominated parliament passed the Law on Family Values and Protection of Minors, mirroring Russia’s anti-LGBTQ+ policies. The bill bans same-sex marriage, adoption by same-sex couples, and public LGBTQ+ representation in media, energizing social conservatives, particularly in rural areas.
For Tbilisi’s creative community, the crackdown has been devastating. “Tbilisi’s art scene, which was gaining international traction, has been capsized. It has caused many young artists to flee,” said singer Burduli.
Burduli also points to rising media repression, “The government has taken over TV channels like Imedi and Rustavi 2 to racialize homophobic traditionalists.” She added, “My grandfather now believes that moving toward the EU and choosing parties [other than the Georgian Dream] will lead to a Russian invasion or force children to become drug-addicted, tradition-hating, gay Satanists, and make same-sex marriage mandatory. The propaganda has terrified him.”
Peacefully to Europe
In November, the Georgian Dream turned against one of the country’s deepest aspirations––EU membership. Despite 83% public support and its enshrinement in the constitution, the government abruptly halted the accession process until 2028, a move welcomed by Putin and his allies.
Shamugia describes the public outrage. The Georgian Dream’s slogan was “peacefully to Europe,” a will reflected in the constitution, only to abandon this ethos after winning. “They betrayed their own voters,” he says. “That’s why we call it a constitutional coup. It feels like someone is trying to betray our biggest dreams.”
Anna Gvarishvili, investigative journalist, and head of the Investigative Media Lab, told The Politic, “Europe was always part of Georgian identity–it’s existential for us. Our goal isn’t just EU membership, but a nation built on liberal democratic principles. It is about our identity, culture, and political nature.”
Protests erupted nationwide, with Transparency International reporting 460 detentions and over 300 cases of ill-treatment or torture. The EU and US both condemned the government for democratic backsliding, while even the Kremlin ominously drew parallels to Ukraine’s Maidan.
Pro-EU or anti-Russia
With frustration, Gutbrod condemns those on the left who, while critical of Western failures, misinterpret Georgia’s pro-EU protests as blind allegiance to it. “There is a commentary of people who side with this authoritarian assault because they compress the local story into their dichotomous view of the world. The world’s a lot more complicated than that.”
For most Georgians, the choice is not about unconditional support for the West––it is about rejecting the Russian threat and safeguarding against authoritarianism. “Georgians see the EU through a longer lens,” says Gutbrod. “While many Europeans focus on its flaws, Georgians recognize it as a safeguard for sovereignty and a resistance against authoritarianism and regressive, often male-dominated, forces.”
Shamugia affirms, “We do not see the European Union as a divine entity that will solve all our problems. We simply know that we want a normal life. And when faced with the choice between a Russian anti-democratic system or the European Union, there is little to debate.”
Parliamentary elections
On October 26, 2024, Georgia’s parliamentary election results declared the ruling Georgian Dream party had secured 54% of the vote—despite widespread allegations of electoral misconduct. Russian-aligned leaders, including Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, were quick to congratulate the party on its “overwhelming victory.”
International observers, including the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OCSE), promptly confirmed foul play in these elections, expressing “deep concerns about the democratic backsliding in Georgia.” The United States’ Secretary of State, Antony Blinken called for an investigation, as the election was not deemed “free and fair.” Georgia’s president, Salome Zourabichvili, sided with the opposition, calling the election a Russian “special operation”, and urging citizens to protest.
Gutbrod, who published a detailed report on the election’s corruption, stresses the need for precision: “It doesn’t help anybody to exaggerate what goes on.” He distinguishes between falsification—outright tampering—and rigging, a more insidious process of coercion, bribery, and pressure tactics. In this instance, reports of voter intimidation and vote-buying, particularly in rural areas, were rampant.
According to Gutbrod, Georgian Dream ramped up its manipulation tactics as it faced the real possibility of losing. “Some of these methods were Soviet, some post-Soviet,” he says, describing a highly coordinated effort that leveraged everything from call centres to coercion. “You have a relative in prison? You need a building permit? In some places, bribery was the overwhelming story.” They understood the individuals and knew exactly where to apply pressure.
Often, tactics were innocuous, “like a parlor game.” In certain polling stations, door attendants would discreetly signal whether a voter was pro-government or opposition, ensuring ballots would later be defaced. Gutbrod calls it “death by a dozen daggers”—a slow but calculated erosion of electoral integrity. “Once you assemble all of these pieces together, you have the overwhelming picture that the election was rigged.”
Rigging is not a finite science and even the perpetrators can miscalculate. Gutbrod notes that on election night, Georgian Dream leaders appeared “crestfallen, upset about something.” His theory? “They overshot. They were aiming for 47, maybe 48%. When the final count was 54%, even they couldn’t take the results seriously.” The full extent of the election’s manipulation remains unclear. Some data “might even have been destroyed,” leaving future historians to piece together how Georgia’s democracy was undermined.
The Presidential Election… and the Counterprotest
With their parliamentary victory secured, Georgian Dream solidified control over the government, setting the stage for an uncontested presidential election. Four opposition parties, decrying the rigged parliamentary results, boycotted the December 14, 2024, presidential election, refusing to legitimize a process they viewed as predetermined.
Holding a parliamentary supermajority, Georgian Dream handpicked Mikheil Kavelashvili—former MP and Manchester United star—who ran unopposed. The election became a formality rather than a genuine democratic contest. Kavelashvili, known for his anti-Western views and controversial policies, including the foreign influence law, epitomized the government’s increasingly authoritarian stance.
Amid this political bleakness, incumbent President Salome Zourabichvili emerged as a symbol of resistance. She rallied citizens to continue their fight, vowing not to leave office on inauguration day to make way for the incoming President Kavelashvili. In response, the Georgian Dream Prime Minister threatened her with arrest, saying, “Let’s see where she ends up, behind bars or outside.” Unshaken, Zourabichvili was often seen among the protesters. One iconic photo captured her placing a hand on a riot shield and calmly asking a police officer, “Are you serving Russia or Georgia?”
Shamugia notes “Now, the only legitimate leader is Zourbichvili. She has trust among Georgian citizens and can relay our messages to the international community.”
Zourabichvili, born to exiled Georgian parents, spent 20 years as a French diplomat before renouncing her French citizenship and rising to become President. Initially aligned with Georgian Dream, she broke away when the party adopted an anti-Western stance, especially after refusing to sanction Russia—clashing with her lifelong push for EU integration.
The role of intellectuals
Ivanishvili had sought to buy the country’s intellectual elite years before entering politics, funding artists, writers, and academics to build political influence. Today, intellectuals and artists face a chillingly familiar choice: co-optation or repression.
In Stalin’s time, many terrified poets and writers legitimized the regime, helping to mask mass executions and gulags. “Otherwise, how could anyone admire a country that executed countless people and filled its land with gulags?” Shamugia notes.
Now, countless have found the courage to refuse to comply, paying the price through censorship, smear campaigns, and violence. Shamugia describes the crackdown: “Ivanishvili sought to punish and intimidate the Georgian people. Detainees were crammed into special vehicles stripped of seats that became sites of torture–faces smashed, arms broken, skulls fractured and many have completely shattered noses. One protester was in a coma for a week. There are countless stories like this.”
“This is a Russian and Chechen-style dictatorship right now in Georgia,” Shamugia warns. “It’s only a matter of time before they come for me, or someone else. When we leave the house, we all expect to be beaten. But we fight because we cannot step back. We simply cannot.”
Journlaist Gvarishvili recalls her most chilling encounter with government surveillance: “In 2021, a massive leak from the Secret Service exposed thousands of files spying on journalists, activists, priests, and diplomats. The scariest thing was finding my name among them. My husband, a constitutional lawyer, has faced smear campaigns and hacked accounts. To protest myself, I keep no secrets–the only rational thing when fighting the regime is to be as vocal as possible. You have to understand what’s at risk.”
Despite the risks, the resistance remains strong. Georgian intellectuals lead the charge, just as they did a century ago. Their words remain weapons, defying a regime that fears them. Shamugia notes, “History is first written, then it happens. Georgian culture now bears the responsibility of chronicling this regime and exposing its true face.”
Censorship, Shamugia notes, has been entrenched for years. He points to the Ministry of Culture’s interference in the Literary Prize by installing a government insider to veto decisions. Yet, resistance endures. He highlights how the “New Theatre” has cancelled its shows in protest, as its actor, Andro Chichinadze, sits behind bars as a political prisoner.
Burduli warns, “We may suffer less right now if we stop protesting but in the long run, we have a lot more to lose if the alternative is letting this police state win.” She points to human rights, free press and the arts which have suffered immensely under Putin’s regime. In Georgia, the fight for artistic freedom has become inseparable from the fight for democracy.
Students have been a key force behind the protests. Professor Gutbrod, explains why several of his colleagues are teaching classes at the protests. “You might say this is politicizing the university setting. In this case, it has been made clear to our higher education sector that if we are not submissive then the government is going to come after us.” This is not a setting where “standing at the side of things is the same as doing so in another context where at least institutions will still be around.”
They are joined by thousands. “After this public punishment, even more people took to the streets to protest. Demonstrators continue to block the country’s main avenue daily. The only reason the regime has stopped torturing people is precisely because such cases result in even more people taking to the streets.”
Opposition leader Nika Gvaramia was forcibly dragged from his party headquarters, while a prominent violinist and female activist was attacked outside her home. Gutbrod notes the irony, “The ruling party claim they are in favor of traditional values. Whatever you think of those traditional values, we have men assaulting and beating women from behind.”
Though violence still festers the streets with gangs, “roaming around in the side streets, attacking people”, the protests themselves have evolved since October. The mass aggression from police has shifted to more covert forms of governmental intimidation and repression. “This is just a change of tactics,” Gutbrod says, as Georgian Dream now seeks out people away from the protests.
The government, overwhelmed by the scale of outrage, has resorted to random violence, beating people to create terror. Shamugia notes they have lost all logic, “Everybody is targeted now. Sometimes they beat and torture people who are just pedestrians. One 70-year-old man was walking down the street and the police detained and beat him for no reason.”
“All of them are beaten in the face. It’s the most visible part of our body. Their noses are deformed, and some people lost their eyesight. They want to demonstrate that they can do absolutely anything and spread fear. But they can not do it. Some of the people who were beaten came back to the demonstrations with severe injuries and crutches.”
Hope persists among protesters. Gutbrod notes the deep sense of patriotism, with many feeling compelled to join the protests. “If you believe in your Georgian-ness, this was a place you wanted to be. In some ways, this is the best of times, because you see people doing extraordinary things at a very rough time. It is also the worst of times,” he adds.
Supporters
It’s important to avoid overgeneralizing and presenting the idea that the entire country opposes the Georgian Dream. The party has significant support, particularly in rural areas. Gutbrod identifies three key groups among these supporters.
The first group, “the scared ones,” fears cultural shifts fueled by government propaganda. Shamugia attributes its effectiveness to Russian support. “Even Russian officials, like Sergey Lavrov, admit to daily talks with the Georgian government.” He adds, “This works because no government has ever tried to improve the education system and it has completely collapsed now. It is easier to govern this way.”
Gutbrod recalls a friend, shaking with anger, saying, “They’re trying to turn us gay.” While easy to ridicule this or dismiss as extreme, he warns that relentless propaganda breeds fear: “There’s this idea that protestors are Satanists. A constant drip of that will have an impact.”
The second group fears change and sees government as stability. Gutbrod highlights the irony: “They want continuity, yet the Georgian Dream are the brazen ones pushing a radical agenda. The government, not the people, is breaking from the Constitution and venturing into bizarre, uncharted territory.”
The third group are the regime profiteers. Georgia has been a model of anti-corruption reform, but Gutbrod says it’s now in “full-on reversal.” People in real estate or with close ties to the government have gotten “very, very rich in a short amount of time. It is ostentatious wealth. The kinds of cars you now see parked at luxury hotels are cars I haven’t seen in such concentration in major German cities.”
Geopolitical importance
Georgia’s importance extends far beyond its borders. The West’s intention for the region is to keep Georgia aligned with Europe and as a bulwark against the Kremlin’s growing influence in the Black Sea Region. As such, since 1991, Western countries have provided over $10 billion in aid to strengthen the country’s democratic institutions.
The region is also of strategic value to Russia, whose historical imperial slogan, “Who owns Tbilisi, owns the Caucasus,” underscores this point of contention. In 2008 and 2009, Russian troops poured into Abkhazia and South Ossetia, annexing 20% of Georgian’s territory. Framed as a defense of Russian-speaking populations, the invasion sparked violence, ethnic cleansing, and mass displacement, with the International Criminal Court confirming crimes against humanity. Despite these atrocities, Russia invested heavily– $800 million in Southern Ossetia–in the occupied areas, cultivating a sense of gratitude among local populations who view Russia as their “liberator”.
This East-West struggle is nothing new, but under Ivanishvili, Georgia has veered dangerously toward Russia, risking deeper isolation from its democratic allies. As Shamugia warns, “Ivanishvili’s propaganda frequently emphasizes ‘sovereignty’ or ‘neutrality,’ which, in his case, implies isolationism—or more accurately, alignment with Russia. We are already witnessing this: Georgia is politically ostracized by the world’s democracies.”
He draws a stark historical parallel to expose the dangers of the Georgian Dream’s rhetoric. “What does their propaganda tell us? That with neutrality, Russia would stop even considering the occupation of Georgia. But what does history tell us? On May 26, 1918, the Democratic Republic of Georgia adopted the Act of Independence, declaring sovereignty and proclaiming neutrality. Let’s underline this: neutrality was declared. And what happened just three years later? Russia invaded and occupied us. That is the true cost of Russian imperial promises.”
The future
The future of Georgia is uncertain. With European leaders holding limited influence and Trump’s increasingly isolationist stance reshaping global dynamics, there is growing division over Western involvement. Right-wing groups argue that it’s not their concern, while left-wing voices suggest that Western interventions do more harm than good.
Meanwhile, Georgians fear a Russian future. Shamugia notes that “If the oligarchic system withstands the pressure, Georgia will become politically dependent on Russia and economically dependent on China, which will ultimately distance us from the West.”
These shifts will primarily impact people’s rights. “Georgians just want a normal life–human rights, good healthcare, education. When we’re dangerously close to Russia, we lose our chance to develop, to improve, to become more democratic. We are desperate, but we fight because, to be honest, there is no other option.”
This is not the end–Russia, already entrenched in Georgia, may tighten its grip on the Caucasus and expand further, with Moldova seen as a likely next target. Burduli notes, “Russia will not stop with Ukraine and Georgia. It will extend its authoritarianism further. There simply isn’t enough Western sanctions and enforcement against our government.” Gvarishvili concurs, “We are the bridge. If Georgia is lost to Russian influence, the West loses the whole Black Sea region and South Caucasus. I don’t think they want to risk that.”
Gutbrod concludes, “What happened in Georgia is something that happened in the slipstream of Ukraine. In the end, it’s an assault on people who want a different future for themselves. Georgia matters, and not just for itself. It is symptomatic of a broader problem, and in some ways, could risk being a blueprint for an assault that may come much closer to Europe very, very soon.”
To restore the constitutional process, Gutbrod urges Georgians to “politicize their realities” and form a unified opposition party. Shamugia describes how detainees, whose hands and legs were broken during torture, were repeatedly asked, “Who is leading these demonstrations?” The lack of clear leadership has pros–preventing the movement from collapsing with the imprisonment of one leader–but also cons, as political capital is harder to build without defined leaders.
As Gvarishvili points out, after the Georgian Dream is out of power, the country must rebuild its institutions from scratch. “There is not a single democratic institution left to save,” she says, “we need to build this country from the ground up. To do that, we need principled leaders with liberal democratic values–unfortunately, they are in short supply.”
The future of Georgia, situated between powerful neighbours, remains in flux. Gutbrod outlines several potential outcomes, “It can be useful to look at concrete historical examples.” He begins with Azerbaijan, where “civil society has been extinguished and good people have to leave.” Iran’s modern history, too, is a warning. “In the 1970s, it had space for a range of lifestyles–typically, for a very small sliver. And then? Decades of darkness. Executions. So on and so forth.” The implication is clear: Georgia, too, stands at a precipice.
Poet Shamugia adds, “Success depends on three forces–the angry public, local politicians, and democratic countries working in sync. If one fails, we risk losing this fight and facing authoritarian rule for years to come. That’s why we need to be cautious–and we are, all of us.”
Russia looms in the background. “No sensible person wants that,” Gutbrod says flatly. “But history doesn’t always turn out the way you want, and Georgians understand that deeply.” While the West often believes in the steady march of progress, Georgia’s history tells a different story. “You don’t have to go far to find people who know otherwise–that Georgia has been ‘cut off’ more than once in history.”
Georgia has always existed at a crossroads, drawing from both Europe and Asia. This fusion shapes its culture, where protest stands alongside poetry. Shamugia concludes, “Some say, ‘Now is not the time for romance,’ but what could be more romantic than protest?”